As the month of Megabit marks the 50th observance of International Women’s Day in Ethiopia, the nation has commemorated the occasion with formal solemnity. Women parliamentarians celebrated the global event, which falls on March 4 annually. According to reports from the House Secretariat, International Women’s Day was observed under the theme “Women’s Voice for Equality and a Prosperous Ethiopia”, attended by House leadership and staff. This event serves as the primary catalyst for BRIDGE’s March insight, which seeks to provide a high-level overview of the historical evolution, contemporary challenges and current status of women’s political participation and legislative representation in Ethiopia. To this end, we examine these fundamental inquiries through selected theoretical frameworks integrated with quantitative data.
Our Women’s Yesteryears
In the history of modern Ethiopia, although formidable women such as Empress Taytu and Empress Zewditu were renowned for their leadership positions within the Nation-state and their significant roles during the Battle of Adwa, institutional political representation for women is a relatively recent phenomenon. At the inception of Ethiopia’s modern parliamentary history in 1923 during the era of Emperor Haile Selassie, women’s representation was negligible. During that period, the only women visible in the public political discourse were a few spouses of the aristocracy, nobility, and military officers.
While the 1948 Revised Constitution provided the legal basis for women’s suffrage, the first female representative was not elected until 1949. Consequently, women remained marginalized from high-level leadership positions; in the elections of 1957 and 1961, the number of women representatives was a mere 2 and 5, respectively. Although women’s movements began to emerge during this era, they lacked the capacity to transition into potent forces of political influence.
The substantive political socialization of Ethiopian women, like many other modern political beginnings in the country, traces its lineage to the early 1960s. In a societal structure that perceived the political arena as a domain reserved exclusively for men, the emergence of women was significantly catalyzed by the Ethiopian Student Movement; a point upon which historians of that era unanimously agree.
Analysts indicate that while the Ethiopian Student Movement, largely centered at Addis Ababa University, did not permit women to establish autonomous institutions free from male influence, attempts were made to represent gender centered political interests through subsequently established parties. Research suggests that parties such as MEISON and EPRP presented the “Woman Question” as a dual struggle of class and gender. Despite these attempts to define gender politics within their party structures and ideological leanings, the violent removal of these parties from the political stage resulted in a significant cooling of women’s political mobilization.
Upon the Derg’s assumption of power, the number of women representatives decreased to four; however, it is widely documented that women participated actively in the student movement and subsequent public demonstrations concerning women’s rights. The origins of organized female political participation are rooted in the ESM, where debates regarding the “Woman Question” contributed greatly to the development of political consciousness.
Following its ascent to power, the Derg established the Women’s Coordinating Committee in 1967, creating a pathway for women to move beyond domestic spheres and organize formally. However, while the regime’s ideology initially viewed the plight of women as double oppression (class and gender), after 1970, it adopted the stance that “class oppression supersedes gender oppression”, thereby subordinating women’s issues to the victory of socialism. This effectively hindered the gender focused struggle intended to bring about substantive change.
The Women’s Coordinating Committee was founded in 1967, followed by the Revolutionary Ethiopia Women’s Association (REWA) in 1972. The Derg is credited with attempting to increase women’s participation numerically by structuring REWA down to the lowest administrative tiers. Nevertheless, since the association’s leadership consisted of members of the Workers’ Party of Ethiopia (WPE), women lacked the autonomy to draft their own agendas; thus, these associations served more as instruments for ideological indoctrination rather than platforms for genuine political participation.
While the 1979 PDRE Constitution was the first document to explicitly recognize women’s equality rights, it is recalled that the ongoing civil war prevented its practical implementation. Although the Derg believed it was interpreting Socialist Feminism by establishing wings like REWA, scholars who have studied the era disagree. These authors critique the Derg for utilizing women organized through REWA primarily for logistical support, such as cooking for soldiers, while making no significant effort to address their fundamental interests.
Relatively speaking, the TPLF is cited for making superior attempts during the armed struggle. Contemporaneous chroniclers describe the participation of Tigrayan women as historic, noting the front’s actions in dismantling the gender inequality deeply rooted in the society of that time. From restricting the age of marriage to implementing land reform programs, the TPLF is credited with enabling Tigrayan women to achieve greater empowerment than in previous eras. However, many believe that following the fall of the Derg, the party marginalized the women who had sacrificed for the cause.
Following the fall of the Derg in 1983, the EPRDF made national efforts to address gender inequality. The 1995 Constitution explicitly affirmed women’s rights and mandated affirmative action to ensure their active political participation. Nonetheless, the prevailing conclusion for the Ethiopian state structure until at least 2010 remains that women were not adequately represented at all levels of power.
Following the 2010 political transition, Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed took unprecedented steps regarding women’s political representation. It is recalled that on Tikimet 18, 2010, he established a gender balanced cabinet comprising 20 members, half of whom were women. This was lauded as a significant departure from the previous situation where only 4 out of 28 ministers were women. Ethiopia received international acclaim for this move, following the experiences of countries like Rwanda. Under this new arrangement, women began to occupy critical portfolios such as Defense, Peace, Trade, Science, and Finance.
Engineer Aisha Mohammed became the country’s first female Minister of Defense, Muferiat Kamil served as the first female Speaker of the House and later as Minister of Peace, Meaza Ashenafi became the first female President of the Supreme Court, Birtukan Mideksa chaired the Election Board and Sahle-Work Zewde became the country’s first female Head of State, marking a new chapter in Ethiopian history.
Undoubtedly, the growth of women’s representation in the executive branch has been most pronounced. The percentage of female ministers rose from 10 percent in 2009 to 47.6 percent within just two years. While this shift appeared to confirm a new historical epoch in gender equality, the subsequent removal of several female appointees for various reasons seems to have cast a shadow over the initial acclaim.
Mechanisms of Participation: – Theoretical Frameworks
The fact that women’s political participation remains significantly lower than that of their male counterparts necessitates a re-examination of how women engage in politics. In this regard, several theoretical arguments are pertinent.
Scholars primarily advance three arguments concerning women’s participation. The first centers on women’s intrinsic motivation to participate in politics. While researchers call this the ‘first threshold’, they argue that desire alone is insufficient. The existence of a conducive contextual environment is mandatory to translate this will into action. This includes a favorable political system and access to the socio-economic resources (financial and material) necessary for women to enter the public sphere. These conditions are facilitated by the proliferation of gender-centered movements or institutions that advocate for political representation to mitigate systemic injustice, thereby attracting women to the political arena.
The second theoretical perspective emphasizes the role of socio-economic and cultural variables. Proponents argue that women’s political success is determined by their success in other social sectors. For instance, educational attainment is considered a critical determinant; women who are journalists, legal professionals, or business leaders are argued to be more successful in politics than their peers. The rationale is clear; success in these professions builds self-confidence, public speaking skills, and a deep familiarity with the country’s legal and political landscape, facilitating a seamless transition into political roles.
Furthermore, the existence of a robust gender-focused movement is vital for integrating women’s issues into the socio-economic and political agendas of the state. A society free from gender-biased perceptions is a final prerequisite; where the political culture is not defined solely by men and where ‘doing politics’ is not seen as alien to women, the empowerment of female representatives becomes more achievable.
The third analytical framework focuses on the electoral system and gender quotas. There is a broad scholarly consensus that Proportional Representation (PR) systems are superior to First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) systems for facilitating women’s entry into politics. In a PR system, political parties are encouraged to field multiple candidates per district, incentivizing them to include women to broaden their appeal based on gender-centered policies. Conversely, winner-take-all systems tend to favor male incumbents, thereby diminishing women’s participation.
Connected to this is the concept of district magnitude; the number of seats available in a given constituency. As the number of seats increases, competing parties are more likely to nominate women; if the number of seats is limited, women’s opportunities for participation are eroded.
Another significant argument concerns the quota system, which researchers categorize into three types. The first is a legislative quota that reserves specific seats in the legislature exclusively for women; a method recently adopted by several emerging democracies. The second is the voluntary party quota, where individual parties adopt internal rules mandating that a certain percentage of their candidates be women. Studies show that many parties adopt this when federal laws necessitate female participation. The third type involves a hybrid approach where all parties are legally mandated to set specific thresholds. Researchers note that while authoritarian regimes may rapidly include women to consolidate support through gender politics, established democracies often experience a more gradual process of inclusion.
A Bird’s-Eye View of Representative Ratios
Over the past thirty years, women’s representation in the FDRE House of Peoples’ Representatives (HoPR) has undergone significant shifts. Political participation has increased markedly with each successive election cycle.
In the first national election in 1987, the number of women in the HoPR was only 15 (2.7 percent); this grew to 42 (7.7 percent) in the second term. In the third federal election in 1997, the number rose to 116 (21.4 percent). The growth continued in the fourth national election in 2002 to 152 (27.8 percent), and in 2007, women occupied 210 out of 547 seats (38.8 percent). In 2013, the share reached 42 percent. Consequently, women’s representation in the HoPR has seen an average increase of 6.6 percent per election cycle. However, when looking at the overall thirty-year average, women have held only 23 percent of the seats, while 77 percent were held by men, indicating a gender composition that still leans heavily toward males.
It is also important to note that representation is measured by leadership roles such as Speaker and Deputy Speaker. While women have had better participation in the role of Deputy Speaker, only one woman has been appointed as Speaker in the history of the HoPR, suggesting that further legal and structural reforms are needed to ensure sustainable gender equality.
Extending our observation to the House of Federation (HoF), the data reveals a slower rate of change. In the first national election in 1987, only 7 out of 110 HoF members were women (6.7 percent). Unlike the HoPR, the highest representation of women in the HoF was recorded in 2007 (32.6 percent). However, this number decreased to 30 percent in 2013, largely due to the non-participation of representatives from the Tigray region following the conflict.
BRIDGE’s analysis shows that over six election cycles, the male share in the HoF is 81 percent, while the female share is only 19 percent. This indicates that women’s representation in the HoF is significantly lower than in the HoPR. Furthermore, this lack of representation extends to the Council of Constitutional Inquiry, a high-level body where women’s voices and perspectives remain underrepresented in interpreting the law and the justice system.
Women’s Representation in the House of Peoples’ Representatives
| No. | Election Term | Number of Female Members | Share of Women (%) |
| 1 | 1st (1987 – 1992) | 14 | 2.6% |
| 2 | 2nd (1993 – 1997) | 42 | 7.7% |
| 3 | 3rd (1998 – 2002) | 117 | 21.4% |
| 4 | 4th (2003 – 2007) | 152 | 27.8% |
| 5 | 5th (2008 – 2013) | 213 | 38.9% |
| 6 | 6th (2014 – | 197* | 41.7% |
*Note: In the 6th election term, or the currently sitting House of Peoples’ Representatives, the female ratio appears lower in numerical total because of vacant seats in areas where elections were not held due to security challenges; however, when calculated as a percentage, it reached a historical high of 41.7%.
Women’s Participation in Standing Committees
| No. | Service Term | Number of Standing Committees | Female Chairpersons (%) | Female Deputy Chairpersons (%) |
| 1 | 1988 – 1992 | 9 | 1 (11%) | 1 (11%) |
| 2 | 1993 – 1997 | 12 | 1 (8%) | 1 (8%) |
| 3 | 1998 –2002 | 13 | 3 (23%) | 4 (31%) |
| 4 | 2003 –2007 | 16 | 4 (25%) | 5 (31%) |
| 5 | 2008 –2009 | 18 | 7 (39%) | 10 (56%) |
| 6 | 2010 – 2011 | 20 | 8 (40%) | 10 (50%) |
| 7 | 2011 – 2013 | 10 | 6 (60%) | 2 (20%) |
| 8 | 2014- | 11 | 5 (45%) | 4 (36%) |
| Avg | 1988 – 2014 | – | 31.5% | 30% |
Summary Points;
- Peak Chairpersonship; Women secured their highest proportion of Standing Committee Chairpersons between 2011–2013, presiding over 60 percent (chairing 6 out of 10 committees).
- Peak Deputy Chairpersonship; The period spanning 2008–2009 marked the only instance where the number of female Deputy Chairpersons reached 56 percent, effectively outnumbering their male counterparts in those leadership roles.
- Historical Average: Over the cumulative 26-year period analyzed, women’s leadership participation within these parliamentary structures has reached an average of approximately 31 percent.
Women’s Representation in the House of Federation
| No. | Election Term | Total Seats | Number of Female Members | Share of Women (%) |
| 1 | 1st (1987 – 1992) | 110 | 7 | 6.7% |
| 2 | 2nd (1993 – 1997) | 112 | 8 | 7.1% |
| 3 | 3rd (1998 – 2002) | 120 | 22 | 18.3% |
| 4 | 4th (2003 – 2007) | 135 | 24 | 17.7% |
| 5 | 5th (2008 – 2013) | 153 | 50 | 32.6% |
| 6 | 6th (2014 – 2019) | 144 | 43 | 30% |
| Total | 1987 – 2019 | 774 | 154 | 19% (Average) |
Summary Points;
- Historical Peak; The highest level of women’s participation in the history of the House of Federation was recorded during the 5th election term, at which point it reached 32.6 percent.
- Comparative Representation; Over the last six election cycles, the average female representation stands at approximately 19 percent, indicating a slight decrease when compared to the ratios observed in the House of Peoples’ Representatives.
*All three of the quantitative data tables presented above have been compiled by Enederasie.
BRIDGE Policy Recommendations
As observed in our comprehensive overview, while the political participation of Ethiopian women and the corresponding gender ratios in parliamentary representation are influenced by broad political, social, and economic factors, BRIDGE has elected to focus exclusively on legislative and policy-oriented recommendations feasible within the Houses. Consequently, we wish to share the following strategic policy recommendations:
Legislating a Mandatory Gender Quota System: – Although women’s representation in the House of Peoples’ Representatives increased during the EPRDF era, this growth was not legally mandated but relied on unwritten internal party directives. Under the current Prosperity Party administration, while high-level executive positions have been granted to women, a mandatory legal framework ensuring representation at the parliamentary level has yet to be established.
BRIDGE maintains that women’s representation should not remain contingent upon the goodwill or unwritten directives of political parties. Therefore, to ensure that female representation is not subject to the temporary benevolence of a governing party, we believe it is necessary to explicitly stipulate a minimum quota (e.g., 30 percent or higher) for female candidates within the electoral law.
Balancing Standing Committee Leadership through Gender Parity: – BRIDGE’s exploratory analysis reveals that women’s participation remains low in critical Standing Committees such as Revenue, Peace, Foreign Affairs, Budget and Economic Affairs. Consequently, BRIDGE asserts that when the House of Peoples’ Representatives assigns chairpersons and deputy chairpersons, an internal parliamentary directive must be formulated to mandate a greater leadership share for women across all committees, particularly those focused on the economy and security.
Transitioning Intra-Party Democracy from Centralized Control to Inclusivity: – During the EPRDF era, the selection of candidates was governed by the principle of Democratic Centralism, which meant female candidates were often nominated via top-down executive decisions rather than grassroots demand. As the Prosperity Party has largely inherited this organizational structure, a similar pattern of high-level hierarchical control persists.
Given our previous analysis of the benefits of transparent systems, BRIDGE suggests that if parties establish clear, competitive recruitment processes free from central interference, it would create a national environment where women can emerge based on their own competence and public support. As the Prosperity Party holds the majority of seats, its consideration of this recommendation would be of significant national value.
Facilitating Financial and Material Support for Female Candidates: – It is well-established that Ethiopian electoral campaigns require substantial financial and material resources, which studies indicate is a primary barrier to women’s participation. BRIDGE believes the government and the National Election Board should establish mechanisms to increase state support for female candidates beyond the levels provided to men.
Such support would significantly contribute to ensuring that women are not marginalized from electoral competition due to financial constraints. Furthermore, we suggest exploring the establishment of a specific State Election Fund for women and a legal framework that encourages private donors to support female candidates.
Electoral System Reform: – Although the upcoming 7th national election is expected to follow the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) system; a winner-take-all model where the victorious party forms the government; BRIDGE wishes to remind the current House of Peoples’ Representatives to explore options for transitioning the electoral system for future cycles. This system remains one of the structural obstacles preventing women from entering parliament. BRIDGE emphasizes that transitioning toward Proportional Representation (PR) or a mixed-member system would pave the way for a more balanced representation ratio for women.
Ensuring Civic Safety and Digital Security: – While gender-based pressure in the past was often structural and less visible, today’s female politicians frequently fall victim to overt insults, threats and gender-based attacks, particularly on social media. BRIDGE underscores the necessity of establishing a robust legal protective framework to safeguard female politicians and public advocates, ensuring that perpetrators of verbal abuse and threats are held accountable. This intervention is vital for the encouragement of the next generation.
Optimizing the Legislative Work Environment for Women: – It is undeniable that the House of Peoples’ Representatives must create a conducive work environment by refining meeting schedules, providing childcare services and implementing strict regulations against sexual harassment. BRIDGE believes that such institutional measures would enable women to effectively balance their familial and political lives, thereby encouraging active participation in critical parliamentary deliberations and decision-making processes.
Strengthening Data Management and Gender Analysis Frameworks:- The House of Peoples’ Representatives should possess a formalized system for conducting gender-responsive analysis to evaluate the impact of proposed laws and approved budgets on women. Furthermore, BRIDGE believes that if a contemporary data repository system, documenting women’s representation at all levels, is strengthened through the House Communications Directorate, it would provide invaluable institutional benefits for policy formulation.